DAVOS, Switzerland - The U.S. and European economic recoveries could run out of steam later this year, and they could be faced with a prolonged period of low growth, high unemployment, a huge debt overhang on both governments and households, dangerous budget deficits, and a continuing loss of competitiveness.
That was the gloomy consensus taking shape among members of the world's business, financial and political elites attending the 40th anniversary meeting of the World Economic Forum here.
By contrast, China, India and the rest of Asia are likely to be the
only real engines of continuing economic growth this year, according to
most of the economists, corporate types, sovereign wealth fund managers
and government officials I talked to on the opening day of proceedings in this freezing cold Swiss ski resort.
The other theme that emerged was a barrage of banker bashing, debate, and criticism
of Wall Street that would even make President Obama blush.
Nicolas Sarkozy of France, who formally opened the Davos meeting on Wednesday, won hands-down the title of Bank Basher In Chief with a rambling, ranting and only occasionally coherent speech about why a fundamental rethink of capitalism was needed.
"I
guess we are the new pariahs and we better keep our heads down," said
one top British banker as he headed into a rather old-fashioned and
glitzy champagne event, with a carefully selected guest list and a
venue discreetly located a fair distance from the main conference event.
The
day of flagellation and fear began with an early morning set of
predictions from veteran pessimist Nouriel Roubini, who for my money is
still one of the most articulate and acute observers of the U.S. and
world economy. He said the world, especially the United States,
faces a lengthy and painfully slow recovery that will end with "subpar growth" and the risk of renewed recession.
"I
feel bearish about the United States," Roubini told delegates here.
"I'm also bearish about the eurozone, especially in the
periphery...take Greece but the same problems occur in Italy, Spain and
Portugal where there's not just a public debt sustainability problem
but there is
also a competitiveness problem. They're losing market
share to China and Asia and their wages grew more than their
productivity."
Harvard economist and former IMF official Kenneth
Rogoff also spoke of how the banking crisis had morphed into a sort of
long-term debt crisis, and while he acknowledged that "we have come a
long way" since the worst days a year ago, he worried about "the
illusion of normalcy."
In a forecast that pretty much everyone
here agreed with, Rogoff said the worst-hit economies - the United
States and United Kingdom - now faced a long period of "politically
painful belt tightening, higher taxes and slower growth."
On the same panel, an influential Chinese voice was heard, that of Zhu Min, the deputy governor of China's central bank. "You need growth to avoid debt," he said, "and the real risk for the global economy is very weak growth over time."
Mr.
Zhu warned that we should not be tricked into thinking that growth or
recovery was strong in 2010 because it will be set against such a low
base of a year ago.
"The GDP in the United States in 2010 is
likely to be equal to the level of 2007, and this is not a safe world
if the US and Europe have 10 percent unemployment rates over time," he
concluded.
Seated next to Mr. Zhu was a more colorful and less
morose figure, Rep. Barney Frank, who did not quite charm the Davos
crowd by announcing that "I am going to go back and try to raise the taxes of most people who attended here." He then moved to slightly safer ground
by slamming the Bush presidency (about the only target here even less
popular than bankers) when he explained that the reason the world was
in such a mess was because "someone decided to get the joint Nobel
prize for economics and fiction with the theory that you could finance
two wars with five tax cuts."
And then came the official opening
as 2,000 delegates crammed into the huge plenary hall of the concrete
conference center here to listen to Monsieur Sarkozy. One quick
disclaimer here: I have nothing against the French, and lived happily
for years in Paris when I worked at the International Herald
Tribune in the 1990s (where the financial editor and I used to call
Sarkozy by our special nickname of "Sharky").
But Sarkozy truly
outdid himself Wednesday as he blasted globalization, the banks who
"made a fast buck with other people's money," the accounting system and
the regulatory system, while touting the "need to offset market forces"
and warning of the risks of exchange rate instability.
"We must
re-engineer capitalism to restore its moral dimension, its conscience,"
he concluded. I personally was not aware of capitalism's hugely moral
dimension in the pre-crisis days, but then I am not Nicolas Sarkozy.
If
only he had expressed himself with logic and coherence, he might have
even made sense. But at Davos, Sarkozy was long on platitudes,
demagogic turns of phrase, false dichotomies, incoherent and confused
thinking (or speech-writing) and ultimately he came across as rather
short on stature.
That doesn't mean he was wrong about
everything he said. But I thought the man from Beijing had a clearer
message, and without being smug he made a lot more sense.

The dichotomy you draw between the US and European wounded and the Asian invigorated I think reflects a deeper set of differences between two very different concepts of governance vying for dominance.
On one side, we have the self-designated "democratic" nations of the world, crippled by cowboy capitalism and increasingly unable, it seems so far, to respond effectively to the crisis of their own making. Their elites are divided and fractious, wed to an individualistic world view that assumes the invisible hand assures their place in the world.
On the other side, authoritarian China, whose party leadership can respond with lightning speed and with apparent skill and effectiveness to a crisis the others created. A modernized Mandate of Heaven, with a Marxist utopia located conveniently a hundred or so years in the future. Singapore has a similar model, without the Maoist ornamentation.
Which model will win?
Of course, it's not all so binary -- "democratic" India seems to be recovering well, without China's centralized authority. And both China and India have massive inequalities and environmental challenges that could sink them both.
But the spectacle of the US, politically paralyzed and tied down with expensive military adventures while China sails forward relatively peacefully under its united government can't help but attract attention. It's an old argument -- does the will of the people expressed through political freedom produce a better solution, or an aristocracy that's well-educated, united and correct in its assessment of threats and opportunities?
In the US, I'd argue that we already have an oligarchy, dressed up as fancifully as a democratic republic -- a political fiction as meaningless as China's irrelevant Marxism. The recent Supreme Court decision of campaign financing seems to weld that shut. Like the Chinese but with different gating factors, we can vote for anyone who can attract the money needed to run an effective campaign.
So the question, unless the American democratic republic is somehow restored, is -- whose ruling class is more effective?
Our raucous collection of egoists creating the chaos we continue to endure, with no faction able to implement its vision into anything but a muddle? A process that can't produce an adequate stimulus, or reform an obviously out-of-control financial "industry" or extract us from endless wars with people all over the globe, or control the activities of a small client state that can purchase and intimidate the legislature of the "world's sole superpower?"
Or the Sino-Singaporean ruling classes, which seem to be able to create wealth and manage it more effectively, and create a set of plans that will actually move them to the head of the 21st century ranks?